The M23\u2019s exclusion, ongoing fighting, and weak institutional trust all threaten to unravel the fragile peace. The presence of international actors may lend support, but only local implementation, justice, and inclusivity can change the trajectory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
As regional summits continue and implementation deadlines approach, the next chapter of Congo\u2019s future will be written not in Washington or Doha, but in the hills of North Kivu. Whether peace will take root, or whether history will repeat itself once more, may depend on the decisions made not just by presidents, but by the armed actors, displaced civilians, and communities living through the consequences of promises made.<\/p>\n","post_title":"DRC at a crossroads: Will peace talks halt the cycle of violence?","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"drc-at-a-crossroads-will-peace-talks-halt-the-cycle-of-violence","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-07-19 09:07:52","post_modified_gmt":"2025-07-19 09:07:52","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=8232","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":39},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Humanitarian crisis and socioeconomic impact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The future is not clear though. Some of the moderate segments of M23 have shown some inclination of joining the disarmament schemes, but hard-line leaders have raised the issue of loss of trust to the efforts of Kinshasa. Both parties blame the other for undermining the peace process, even further worsening the situation to reach a comprehensive solution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Humanitarian crisis and socioeconomic impact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In a parallel process, direct talks between M23 and the DRC government began in April 2025 in Doha. These talks are independent of the Washington accord but they are essential to propound sustainable peace. Some of the focus of these talks encompass troop withdrawal, transitional justice machinery as well as rebel demobilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The future is not clear though. Some of the moderate segments of M23 have shown some inclination of joining the disarmament schemes, but hard-line leaders have raised the issue of loss of trust to the efforts of Kinshasa. Both parties blame the other for undermining the peace process, even further worsening the situation to reach a comprehensive solution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Humanitarian crisis and socioeconomic impact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Direct talks and diplomatic efforts<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
In a parallel process, direct talks between M23 and the DRC government began in April 2025 in Doha. These talks are independent of the Washington accord but they are essential to propound sustainable peace. Some of the focus of these talks encompass troop withdrawal, transitional justice machinery as well as rebel demobilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The future is not clear though. Some of the moderate segments of M23 have shown some inclination of joining the disarmament schemes, but hard-line leaders have raised the issue of loss of trust to the efforts of Kinshasa. Both parties blame the other for undermining the peace process, even further worsening the situation to reach a comprehensive solution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Humanitarian crisis and socioeconomic impact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This military context carries with it difficulties in the credibility of the Washington accord. Since M23 is not deactivated, the ceasefire is followed partly, as a conflict in several rural corridors still takes place. Various rebel leaders have openly stated that they would not put down their arms until the DRC government publicizes its eight conditions, which entails guaranteeing amnesty and political representation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Direct talks and diplomatic efforts<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
In a parallel process, direct talks between M23 and the DRC government began in April 2025 in Doha. These talks are independent of the Washington accord but they are essential to propound sustainable peace. Some of the focus of these talks encompass troop withdrawal, transitional justice machinery as well as rebel demobilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The future is not clear though. Some of the moderate segments of M23 have shown some inclination of joining the disarmament schemes, but hard-line leaders have raised the issue of loss of trust to the efforts of Kinshasa. Both parties blame the other for undermining the peace process, even further worsening the situation to reach a comprehensive solution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Humanitarian crisis and socioeconomic impact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Since January 2025, M23 fighters have embarked on large scale offenses throughout the North and South Kivu. They now command broad stretches of land within the tactical city of Goma and Bukavu. Those conquests have left thousands of people dead and have displaced hundreds of thousands. Well, Rwanda denies giving military assistance to the organization, but reports by the Congolese intelligence indicated that the group coordinates with the Rwandan army.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This military context carries with it difficulties in the credibility of the Washington accord. Since M23 is not deactivated, the ceasefire is followed partly, as a conflict in several rural corridors still takes place. Various rebel leaders have openly stated that they would not put down their arms until the DRC government publicizes its eight conditions, which entails guaranteeing amnesty and political representation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Direct talks and diplomatic efforts<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
In a parallel process, direct talks between M23 and the DRC government began in April 2025 in Doha. These talks are independent of the Washington accord but they are essential to propound sustainable peace. Some of the focus of these talks encompass troop withdrawal, transitional justice machinery as well as rebel demobilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The future is not clear though. Some of the moderate segments of M23 have shown some inclination of joining the disarmament schemes, but hard-line leaders have raised the issue of loss of trust to the efforts of Kinshasa. Both parties blame the other for undermining the peace process, even further worsening the situation to reach a comprehensive solution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Humanitarian crisis and socioeconomic impact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The disarmament process laid out in the accord calls for immediate collection of weapons, biometric identification of fighters, and the screening of candidates for reintegration. Individuals whose responsibility is war crime shall not be allowed to join armed forces or police. However, the opponents claim that this system can be abused, at least in regions, which are controlled by militias.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Observers cautions that reintegration programs have in the past have failed because of lack of enough resources, corruption, and poor monitoring. This is in contrast with the previous time when the DRC government said it will collaborate with international agencies so as to have transparency although so far the information is unclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Refugee return and access to aid<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
It is estimated that 250,000 Congolese who have sought refuge in Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi will go back to the country in order to get organized repatriation. Humanitarian agencies have demanded the assurance of safety and the right of access to humanitarian services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Reinstating the humanitarian gateways, particularly in North Kivu is critical. Today, despite adding thousands of troops to the mix, humanitarian convoys are shot at or stolen at points of conflict, and more than a dozen of humanitarian workers have been murdered since January 2025. Unless there is better security, relocation plans will be on hold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Building political trust and local legitimacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
DRC foreign affairs Minister ThrRese Kiaikwamba Wagner has strongly underlined that the agreement is just a start of a longer journey and without internal legitimacy, peace will not prevail. This is representative of a bigger issue that members of the Congolese civil society are protesting, believing that they are not part of the process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
UN Special Representative Bintou Keita urged leaders in Kinshasa and Kigali to \"prioritize dialogue and inclusive governance\" rather than focusing solely on elite agreements. The risk, she warned, is that without broad-based reconciliation, \"the next rebellion will already be brewing.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expert perspectives and external warnings<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rod Martin, a Central Africa analyst, addressed the peace process in an interview with Al Jazeera. He emphasized that the Washington Accord \u201cmay signal intent, but not capacity,\u201d pointing to the difficulty of implementing reforms when trust between parties is so eroded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
He warned, <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
\u201cThe hard part lies in implementation amid deep-rooted mistrust and ongoing violence,\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
highlighting the risk that the conflict could reignite if even one party sees the deal as a trap or delays its part.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ongoing hostilities and territorial control<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Since January 2025, M23 fighters have embarked on large scale offenses throughout the North and South Kivu. They now command broad stretches of land within the tactical city of Goma and Bukavu. Those conquests have left thousands of people dead and have displaced hundreds of thousands. Well, Rwanda denies giving military assistance to the organization, but reports by the Congolese intelligence indicated that the group coordinates with the Rwandan army.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This military context carries with it difficulties in the credibility of the Washington accord. Since M23 is not deactivated, the ceasefire is followed partly, as a conflict in several rural corridors still takes place. Various rebel leaders have openly stated that they would not put down their arms until the DRC government publicizes its eight conditions, which entails guaranteeing amnesty and political representation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Direct talks and diplomatic efforts<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
In a parallel process, direct talks between M23 and the DRC government began in April 2025 in Doha. These talks are independent of the Washington accord but they are essential to propound sustainable peace. Some of the focus of these talks encompass troop withdrawal, transitional justice machinery as well as rebel demobilization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The future is not clear though. Some of the moderate segments of M23 have shown some inclination of joining the disarmament schemes, but hard-line leaders have raised the issue of loss of trust to the efforts of Kinshasa. Both parties blame the other for undermining the peace process, even further worsening the situation to reach a comprehensive solution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Humanitarian crisis and socioeconomic impact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Human displacement and food insecurity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Eastern DRC is now home to one of the worst displacement crises globally. The United Nations estimates over 7 million people have been internally displaced, and food insecurity has worsened for nearly 28 million people. In the past six months alone, humanitarian organizations have recorded close to 2,000 conflict-related deaths.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This instability has a direct impact on basic services. Over 290 schools in Ituri province have been destroyed, and 1.3 million children are now out of education. Health services are overstretched, particularly in areas like Rutshuru and Masisi, where fighting has blocked supply lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Resource wealth as both a blessing and curse<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The region\u2019s mineral wealth\u2014including gold, lithium, tantalum, and cobalt\u2014continues to fuel the violence. Rebel groups have long used control over mining zones to finance their operations. While the Washington Accord proposes joint economic zones and U.S.-led mineral investments, the practical governance of these resources remains unresolved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Militia groups, including M23, the FDLR, and Mai-Mai factions, continue to exploit these mines. Without an effective plan for resource governance, economic promises may prove hollow, and the cycle of conflict will likely persist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Political and regional dynamics<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Rwanda\u2019s role and mutual accusations<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The position of Rwanda is very controversial. Kigali has accepted in principle to withdraw its forces but leaders in Congo are very doubtful about this. They accuse Rwanda of using M23 as a proxy army to achieve control over eastern provinces and mineral resources thereof. On the other hand, Rwandan authorities blame Kinshasa of tolerating FDLR militants, which is suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide, to reorganize in Congolese territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This distrust of each other damages the trust within a region. As Rwandan troops plan to leave, it still remains unanswered whether other efforts, like the involvement of a regional force or even African Union observers, will be deployed to watch over the vacuum to be left behind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
International diplomacy and engagement<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
This fact that the US is taking part in negotiations of the accord is a good indication of a revived diplomatic emphasis on Central Africa. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said it is a very important point of departure and that stability in the Congo is the key to the security of the whole of the Great Lakes region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The deal has been publicly supported by France, the African Union, Russia as well as the United Nations. EU has offered logistic support in repatriation of refugees and Qatar is still mediating in Doha between M23 and inhabitant Kinshasa. Nevertheless, the attention of the world can be lost in case the installation process is slow or in case violence returns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Implementation challenges and fragile optimism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Disarmament and reintegration programs<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
